What Price Financial Accountability in Education?

£9k Fees and Cuts?

The continuing saga of ‘superhead’ Jo Shuter continues to rumble on, following the news that she had been suspended pending an investigation by the Department for Education into financial irregularities. According to Camden New Journal, “The award-winning head teacher of Quintin Kynaston school has been reinstated after being suspended from the job for eight months.”

The news of Shuter’s reinstatement, along with a final written warning, came after the investigation by the DofE “identified significant weaknesses in the financial oversight and the proper and regular use of public funds” at Quintin Kynaston school. In particular, the report raised questions “with regard to Ms Shuter’s role as the Accounting Officer and her responsibility for the prudent and economical administration of Academy business.”

Academies aren’t the only education establishments that seem to be experiencing a rush of blood to the head where financial accountability is concerned. The Independent reported recently that Durham University has been “criticised for spending £1.4 million on art including works by Pablo Picasso and Andy Warhol while it charges students £9,000-a-year and pays hundreds of staff less than the Living Wage.”

This spending is clearly controversial, because, as reported the next day in The Telegraph, “the amount of lecture and tutorial time in universities has barely changed over the last six years despite a nine-fold hike in annual tuition fees.” All of which means, as The Guardian reported in March, that “England’s universities could suffer from the perception that they are “awash with cash”, as the Treasury seeks cuts of £1 billion in the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills’ 2015-16 budget.”

In January Kent Online reported that Christ Church University vice-chancellor was “forced to resign from his £200,000 post” after he “blew thousands on business class flights, luxury hotels and even flowers.” According to Kent Online “Prof Robin Baker left his job on October 22 last year, amid talk of relationships with women at the university. The institution has close links with the Church of England and has the Archbishop of Canterbury as its chancellor. But the 59-year-old, who earned £203,000 a year as the university’s principal officer, ran up £15,000 on credit card spending, it’s been revealed. As his students struggled to pay thousands of pounds in tuition fees, Prof Baker paid for business class flights around the world, dinners in some of Canterbury’s finest restaurants, luxury hotels and even flowers. He even whipped out his corporate credit card to pay for shopping from Waitrose, refreshments from sandwich shops, such as Pret a Manger and Upper Crust and hundreds of pounds on opera tickets.”

Professor Baker hit the news in 2011 after Canterbury Christ Church University “admitted it spent more than £200,000 recruiting Robin Baker as its vice-chancellor and [then] creating a “palatial” office for him.” According to Kent Online “It was equipped with an executive washroom and shower, a kitchen, a photocopying room, waiting area and an office for a personal assistant. New furniture for the office cost another £1,300.”

In another development, the Manchester Evening News is reporting that the University of Salford “faces a huge legal bill after performing an embarrassing u-turn over its bid to sue a former lecturer for criticising bosses in a blog.” According to the report, the University of Salford has “slashed more than 400 jobs in four years,” and “refuses to rule out future redundancies”. The legal bill comes after “a probe into an alleged bust-up involving second-in-command Dr Adrian Graves.” University bosses have announced a “climbdown over their costly libel action against former part-time lecturer Dr Gary Duke – two days after the M.E.N. posed a series of questions about the affair.” Vice-chancellor Martin Hall has “sent an email to staff saying he had finally decided to pull the plug on the three-year battle – which had already cost £150,000 at a time when hundreds of people were being made redundant – to save further expensive solicitor bills”.

As universities, colleges and schools are being pushed to act in ever more commercial ways, questions about accountability and good-governance of public funds are increasingly going to  come to the public’s attention. Without rigorous and transparent accountability, are we likely to see more examples of waste and extravagance in our education institutions? As Alasdair Smith of the Anti-Acadamies Alliance says “A big part of [the problem] is the rise of the cult of the personality in school leadership. Our schools are among the best in the world but they have been denigrated and our teaching standards have been besmirched. Jo Shuter was one of a number of school leaders lauded as being the new broom needed to sweep away all of the detritus and make us all shiny and new. Perhaps they felt invincible?”

 


Academy Heads Lack Accountability

Another Head Teacher at an academy school has been ticked-off for spending school money on themselves rather than the children they should be committed to serving. BBC London has reported how “A Department for Education report criticised Quintin Kynaston Community Academy head teacher Jo Shuter over use of school funds.”

The report into Ms Kynaston “looked at spending between January 2011 and August 2012, detailed numerous concerns, including:

  • Ms Shuter not declaring any business interests despite having close links to a number of suppliers used by the academy.
  • “Widespread” personal use of academy taxi accounts with an estimated £2,663 of personal travel costs identified.
  • At least two cases of expenses being claimed more than once from different organisations, which “could amount to fraud”.
  • A number of issues relating to the employment of family members.”

It looks like Michael Gove’s breakneck push to make all schools academies is hitting bumps on the road. This is what happens when there is a lack of accountability in public services and a culture of arms-length executive management is thrown into the mix.

 


How Free are we Online?

Index on Censorship

I’ve subscribed to Index on Censorship in order to get a sense of the raging debate about our online freedoms, how they are being challenged by governments and employers, and to find out more about what people are doing around the world to deal with censorship. There debates raging everywhere about what we mean by ‘freedom of speech’, which in itself is not a great concept because it is abstract and open-ended. It’s kind of like saying that you support a ‘better tomorrow’ or ‘hope over hate’. Freedom is an emotional concept that can never be ultimately determined. How do we know when we have ‘freedom of speech’? We only tend to know when we have lost our freedoms.

What the debate might more usefully be about is the freedom to be uncensored. That’s a more defined approach to our freedoms. The right to remain free of other people’s coercions and restrictions. Our sense of our freedom of speech rests on our ability to give voice to ideas and statements, however unpalatable and difficult they are to manage. Freedom of speech is a negative power that can never be realised, whereas the right to be free of censorship is a positive power. To actively censor someone you have to practice coercive and restrictive power. Censorship is an active function of the exercising of power, and as such it is something that can be resisted.


Academies and Executive Accountabity

Extravagance in Academies?

When I was Chair of Governors at a Leicestershire primary school, the ongoing challenge was to keep the school running effectively on a very tight budget. Given the circumstances of the school, there was continuing pressure to improve the performance of the school while working with a budget that would often make the pips squeak. One of the reasons that I stepped down from being a governor, however, followed the election of the Tory-Libdem coalition and their wholesale drive to turn schools in Leicestershire into academies. It was clear at the time that the push to make as many school as possible academies, regardless of the suitability of this system for the wide range of schools in the authority, would lead to a paucity of governance and management accountability.

It’s regretful, then, to read that the Daily Telegraph is reporting that “‘Extravagant’ academy school bosses blow thousands on luxury hotels and first-class travel”. According to the Telegraph: “Auditors warned of a culture of “extravagance” at the heart of the E-ACT group – the second-largest provider of academies in England – that led to hundreds of thousands of pounds being wasted. In a damning report, a Government quango found widespread examples of “lax” controls from senior managers and the use public of funds that “stretched the concept of propriety and value for money”.

According to the TES “The damaging findings for E-Act have been revealed in a report by the UK government’s Education Funding Agency”, and that: “Expenses claims and use of corporate credit cards indicate a culture involving prestige venues, large drinks bills, business lunches and first- class travel all funded by public money,” the agency’s report said. It added that expense and card payments by senior managers had “occasionally stretched the concept of propriety and value for money. Controls have been lax and some payments have tended to extravagance. However, we found no evidence of fraud.”

While actions of this kind might not be strictly illegal, I have a growing sense of unease that public money and the public service of education is being bastardised by an short-term and crude management culture. A culture that sees executive action as impervious to criticism and justifiable on the basis that education is now a business activity that needs to be managed in the same way that other consumer brands are managed.

The obvious risk in running our schools as quasi-commercial operations means that the virtues and values of education in the UK can get tossed aside. Social impartiality, accountability, freedom of expression, financial transparency and willingness to serve for the public good are increasingly at risk as our education system is pushed into these lamentable reforms.


New Exhibition – Leicester People’s Photographic Gallery

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Measuring-Up

Measuring-Up

Tonight I spent time at Leicester People’s Photographic Gallery and spoke with Scott Choucino and Hitz Raos who are launching their new exhibitions at the gallery this week. I spoke with them about mounting their exhibition and what their hopes are when people come to view it.


The PR Blaggers are at it Again!

When is Michael Gove going to come clean, and admit that his education policies are driven by ideology and prejudice? Trying to pass-off PR surveys as academically rigorous, and basing his education policies around dodgy prejudice, isn’t a good foundation to give people confidence in the UK education system. The Guardian is reporting that “Janet Downs, who describes herself as a grandparent and retired teacher, [sent] a Freedom of Information (FOI) request to the Department for Education asking for the evidence to support Gove’s claim.” that “one teenager in five” believes Winston Churchill was a “fictional character while 58% think Sherlock Holmes was real.”

It turns out that the claims were based on a survey done by that well-known academic and research institution UKTV Gold in 2008.

There are two lessons: first, if Gove was really confident about his sources in the first place he would publish them; and second, why on earth do we put up with PR drivel like this in the first place? God save us from Michael Gove and from dodgy PR merchants who peddle this junk.


The Fear of the Powerful – Looking Ridiculous

Vaclav Havel once said “Anyone who takes himself too seriously always runs the risk of looking ridiculous; anyone who can consistently laugh at himself does not.” I’ve been reading and watching a few movies and listening to a couple of radio programmes lately that have really started to impact on my thinking. They have come to me in a way that I’m surprised about, though I’m not entirely alarmed. I’m wondering if there is a growing connection and consistency to them, and how I can start to make sense of them in a way that I can action in my writing, my thinking and the networks that I belong to. Hopefully, in a way that, as Havel says, doesn’t come across as being ridiculous. So here goes:

Kevin Spacey in House of Cards

As a recent subscriber to Netflix I binged on the recent adaptation and interpretation of House of Cards, with Kevin Spacey. Updated and set in Washington, the story is age-old. The corruption of individuals as they seek power and keep power. At the centre of the story is Francis “Frank” J. Underwood, played by Spacey, as a charismatic Senator, who schemes his way to the top of the political establishment. Underwood is amoral at best. Supported by his wife, he cultivates relationships for his own benefit, and seduces naive underlings to gain a grip on the ladder to the top. In the vein of the West Wing, the machinations of American power-politics are fantastically played out with a tinge of knowing irony, and self-consciously enough to allow the viewer to join-in the artifice. Spacey’s occasional asides to the camera outlining the interior motivations of a man who prays but does not believe in god, have a pleasure that allows viewers to momentarily put themselves in Underwood’s shoes, and ask the question: ‘how would I behave in that situation?’

Anthony Hopkins in Nixon

Oliver Stone’s film Nixon, is a film I’d avoided for sometime. I’ve not been in the mood for a heavy-handed docudrama from Oliver Stone, but gave it a go. While the film is curious in its staging, almost as a deliberate homage to Citizen Kane, the central performance from Anthony Hopkins is what maintains the story. Nixon is portrayed as a brooding, insecure and reactionary office-seeker, who was prepared to cut deals with shadowy power-brokers. Stone depicts Nixon as a Machiavellian operator, who’s manoeuvrings to gain election contrasted with the simple virtues of Nixon’s small-town upbringing. This Middle-American, from the ‘wrong-side-of-the-tracks’, gained power, but was insecure and paranoid to the end. Using covert techniques to destabilise perceived enemies, using oppressive force, not only in the South Asian theatre of war, but also within domestic politics. The dark shadow that fall’s across Nixon in the latter years of his presidency, is portrayed as an almost insurmountable burden by Hopkins – which it must have been – though Stone’s message is that there is no absolution in decrying the load we choose to carry, especially when it is self-imposed and the consequence of earlier compromises of our integrity for the sake of power.

Josh Brolin in W.

W. is Oliver Stone’s biopic about George W. Bush, and his ascent to the American presidency. Rather than viewing Bush (played by Josh Brolin) as a fool, as it has been easy to do in the popular media, Stone opts for a more nuanced portrayal of a man who came to be equally controversial for a later generation, as Nixon had been. Situating Bush’s character in more human terms, of a man overcoming personal demons, who is subsequently lifted aloft to the highest office by machine politics. Stone’s representation of Bush is of a man who doesn’t doubt his calling from god, that he should run for the presidency. As a character, Bush is portrayed with a moral certainty that isn’t necessarily expressed clearly, rather always in a folksy way. Bush’s appeal to the religious-right, his conservative approach to public policy, as defined by Karl Rove, Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney, is taken as a backdrop for a personal and family drama. Perhaps Stone’s intention was to leave the viewer with a sense that Bush wasn’t running the administration, but was happy to be the public face of the neo-liberalism that underpinned it? As long as government policy was aligned with Bush’s faith, his families status, and the drift to a form of politics that was unquestioning and tribally divided between ‘them’ and ‘us’, he was content to leave the detail to others.

 

US vs John Lennon

The U.S. vs. John Lennon is a documentary directed by David Leaf and John Scheinfeld, that pieces together John Lennon’s support for the anti-war Vietnam movement that was growing during the later part of the 1960s. As Andrew Loog Oldham, the first manager of the Rolling Stones says, ‘If John Lennon fired bullets rather than words, many more people would have been afraid’. The documentary brilliantly contextualises Lennon’s motivation for speaking out and using his voice to appeal for peace. Meeting Yoko Ono gave Lennon access to an internal voice that enabled him to speak more radically about the waste and oppression that accompanied the industrial military complex as it perpetuated the Vietnam war. What comes across clearly in the documentary is that at the time very few people talked about the war. There was little in the way of public dialogue and debate, except in more radical circles and then through the medium of pop music. The growing counter-culture, however short-lived, was an attempt to articulate an alternative point of view in which the use of power and the corruption of the state, would not be used for oppression or for the suppression of alternative views. Lennon lent his name and status to an unpopular and radical cause, and seeing this in documentary form brings together many of the disparate expressions and connections that where played out. The later persecution of Lennon, as an undesirable alien, when he faced deportation from the USA by an overzealous bureaucracy is telling. To this day, the radical individual alternative voice can be a challenge to the statues quo. The fact that Lennon did it through popular songs that survive, and will survive into the future, is remarkable.

Sue McGreggor leads the Reunion

The last programme I’ve listened to was this weeks edition of The Reunion on BBC Radio Four. “Sue MacGregor reunites some of the people who were caught up in that row: Andrew Gilligan, the Today programme reporter whose broadcast was the cause of the argument; Geoff Hoon, Defence Secretary, who was accused of leaking David Kelly’s name as the source of the story; Tom Kelly, who as Tony Blair’s spokesman was at the heart of the storm and Greg Dyke, who resigned as Director General when Hutton’s conclusions were so critical of the BBC.” Apart from nearly coming to blows in the studio, this transfixing programme brings together some of the protagonists in the Iraq War power-play from 2003. There are still resentments on each side. Dyke and Gilligan, and Hoon and Kelly still regard each other with mutual contempt. On each side there is a rationalisation about the motivations and moral certainties that still to this day get played out as either a crisis of personal conscience or as the product of a policy machine and ‘group-think’ that couldn’t be avoided. One side argues that the outcome could have been avoided, while the other argues that it was entirely avoidable.

What is telling, though, is hearing the archive news footage, when prime minister Tony Blair explained his struggle with taking leadership decisions, and how there is a need to protect the interests of the nation by pursuing an aggressive foreign policy. This echoing of Richard Nixon’s sentiments about the Vietnam war was powerful. The fact that we can be drawn-in to war on the strength of an individuals personal and internal debate and moral challenges, as with both Tony Blair or Richard Nixon, and their narrative of personal conscience is instructive. Delusion is a challenge for each of us. Perhaps we need film makers like Oliver Stone and song writers like John Lennon to occasionally remind us that the delusions of those in power will always give way to suffering and destruction. Perhaps if we take heed of Stone and Lennon we can look at things differently. As Vaclav Havel says “The exercise of power is determined by thousands of interactions between the world of the powerful and that of the powerless, all the more so because these worlds are never divided by a sharp line: everyone has a small part of himself in both.”


Culture Industry Swings into Action – Liverpool Sound City 2013

I have a romantic and perhaps nostalgic idea in my head about what popular music can do for people. Ideas that come from the notion that pop music, in it’s many forms, has the potential to represent the deeper hopes and fears held by each of us, whatever our age, and from whatever background or strata of social life we come from. Pop music draws its strength from the fleeting, the superficial and the narrowly temporal. All of which mean that pop music is a vibrant and potent force in our lives.

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Golden Fabel at Sound City

Pop music is constantly being reinvented, re-referenced and performed anew. Pop music is a privileged form of social communication and organisation, especially in the way that it functions as a component building-block of our self and our group identities. Music is one of the social-glues that binds us together, and provides us with moments of reflexive action that are often otherwise eschewed in our hectic and stressed lives. Pop music is the contemporary engagement point for contemplation, absorption-in-the-moment, and existential reflection. As a minimum we are able to acknowledge that popular music has the power to encapsulate and express our deeper longings, as well as illuminate the different mindsets through which our being can be nurtured, articulated and shared. Pop music serves its social function by allowing us to move from the ‘potential’ to the ‘actual’ in our lives, and from the ‘individual’ to the ‘social’ in the way that we express those longings.

Pop music, for the most part then, is a unifying experience, and as our exposure to pop sensibilities have become almost entirely dominant and commonplace, then our cultural expressions are given equal voice through songs and performances selected from an embedded and expanding repertoire of pop songs, styles of address and forms of performance. Pop music, and it’s variations of rock or dance music, are now the standard and defining mode of communal expression when we celebrate events in our lives, when we compete against each other, and when we measure and mark the passing of time, both inter-generationally and ideologically.

Broken English at Sound City

Broken English at Sound City

Through pop music we make sense of our collective ‘moments’ and the shared experiences that are represented by them. By replaying and expressing these moments in short bursts of song, rhythm and melody, we access the collective cultural storehouse of meanings that pop holds in place for us. It’s easy to call to mind the Vietnam War by playing Jimi Hendrix, or swinging 1960’s London by playing The Kinks or The Who. Pop music’s unique and powerful function in our lives is its capacity to embody history, passing moments and our deeper, intangible longings. Pop music does this in a way that is unrivalled by any other form of cultural expression. ‘I Hope I Die Before I Get Old’ is an anthem, not only to nihilistic youthfulness, but more importantly, to the expressive moment itself.

As the capability to absorb, store and re-articulate these collective moments becomes more pronounced, our cultural focus is splitting two ways. First, there has been an extenuation of the internal differences between music forms and styles of performance This differentiation, between sub-genres, performances modes, aesthetic stylings and inter-personal stances, provides a rich set of playful cultural signifiers for us to adopt and try on. Now when young bands grow quiffs, not only are they signifying that they are working within a particular mode of pop sensibility, i.e. the ‘rock star’, but they are also demonstrating that they are conscious of these sensibilities, and more importantly, that they know what to do with them.

Identity as a mask of ironic performance is a well-worn issue in pop music, in that the general expectation of consumers of pop music is the extent to which each performer is able to adopt and play-out a persona. As this adoption of a defined stance has become the norm, then the focus has become, not one of authenticity or originality, for there is nothing new in pop these days, but instead, it has become about how we assess the capability and the expertise of the performer as they seek to function as a ‘performer’ of themselves. In doing so, we therefore seek to differentiate pop and pop performance within the general aesthetic frame of pop and rock styling, rather than as a genuinely authentic or socially defined articulation. Pop music is about signification that is free from social embedding. Pop music is the dance of floating signifiers.

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Sound City Conference Reception

Rather than seeing pop music as an attachment to anything authentic, or palpably honest, we only really make sense of pop music when we consider pop as a symbolic field. When we look instead at how well the costume and the performance are carried. Rather than seeking a defined point of origin for the expression that is being played-out, we evaluate the performer as they learn to perform like they really ‘mean it’. ‘Meaning it’ is one of the pre-requisites of successful pop articulations. There are very few who care about the personal and individual ego of the performer, with their psychological inconsistencies and fault lines that might otherwise be said to drive the performance, as long as the performance itself offers enough emotional and aesthetic resonance to convince the listener, however fleetingly and temporarily. In this way the slightest perceived variations in style and gesture become magnified and a rallying point for sub-cultural engagement.

The second division in our phenomenological understanding of pop music, is the extent to which we are able to make sense of the general mode of pop music’s production, and how we resolve what it means to ‘live-within’ the economic-industrial culture machine. The way that pop music is now being ritually formalised through an economic and industrial infrastructure, supported by government and commercial investment, clearly demonstrates the need to define and develop a political economy of the contemporary pop music phenomenon. Going to Liverpool for the Sound City Festival 2013, gave me the chance to observe and think about how the music industry is constituted by increasingly strong business interests that are as likely to view culture, and the engagement in cultural production by individuals and communities, in the same way that buying and selling other mass-market consumer products is organised. Shifting units, providing support services for business, developing rights management profiles, media assets and infrastructure development, copyright and legal services, social media production management techniques, and all the other paraphernalia of a successful corporate business operation.

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Stage Set for Sound City

There are two sides to this coin. On the one hand there is the business models based around capturing value from transactions, which is tied with the growth of social media purchases, such as iTunes. In which consumers purchase songs as downloads and products with a proportion of the micro-payment going to each associated contributor or distributor of the product. Then there is the formalisation and structuring of rights and asset management, and the collection of copyright and intellectual property changes from sound and image based broadcast and online media use. As pop songs are packaged into commodities they realise a value as an asset within a legal system focussed on intellectual ownership. This notion of original ownership and the moral assertion of rights comes with a need to be managed. So an industrial management system grows around the pop song and the pro-generator of the pop ideal, the songwriter. Groups need to be groomed in the pose and the stance of pop idea. Pop performers are encouraged to assert their ownership of their images, their ancillary rights are traded, and the associated rights are packaged for wider consumption.

As John Lennon said, “We are selling it like soap”.


Community Media Viewpoint – Audioboo Interview


Community Media World Podcast 001

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BIsNY9JCYAALzF0Leicester is represented by a vibrant and diverse collection of community radio stations that are run by volunteers making programmes for, and about, their local communities. In this programme I’m going to find out more about community media in Leicester. I’ve been speaking with organisers and volunteers in different community media groups, to find out what makes them tick, and why they volunteer at the front-line of the citizen media revolution. I started off by visiting Simon Parker from Citizen’s Eye, a community media news agency, who is helping people affected by homelessness find a voice.

 

Thanks to:
Ian Davies – Leicester People’s Photographic Gallery
Rob McCardle
Dee Barah – EavaFM
Simon Parker – Citizen’s Eye
Jon Prest – Seed Creativity